Recent papers in Ramayana
A Rámájana utolsó könyvét, az Uttarakándát gyakran tekintik egyfajta „apokrif” szövegnek, hiszen erőteljesen különbözik az eposz más szakaszaitól. Fény derül benne Ráma hiányosságaira, miközben a beléje ágyazott Rávanáról szóló „kiseposz”... more
Both Ramayana and Mahabharata describe Ayodhya as the capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty of Kosala, including Rama and Dasharatha. The Purana-pancha-lakshana also describes the city as the capital of Ikshvaku kings, including Harishchandra. The Ramayana states that the city was ruled by king Dasaratha, who a descendant of king Ikshvaku. Ramayana Summary, p. 1 of 12 5 Aug 2013 Free Ramayana comic (by Deepak Chopra & Shekhar Kapur) well be the first non fiction version of the Ramayana to portray the Rama Empire as Google Books preview of How the Rama Empire disappeared 10000 years I can't even read a comic book without getting distracted by the cool artwork.
A Rámájana utolsó könyvét, az Uttarakándát gyakran tekintik egyfajta „apokrif” szövegnek, hiszen erőteljesen különbözik az eposz más szakaszaitól. Fény derül benne Ráma hiányosságaira, miközben a beléje ágyazott Rávanáról szóló „kiseposz” pozitív színben tünteti fel a gonosz démonkirályt. Eszerint Rávana a múltban számos hőstettre vállalkozott. Többek között egy alkalommal harcba szállt Kártavírja Ardzsunával, akit Visnu egy másik avatárájának, Csatabárdos Rámának a főellenfeleként tartanak számon. A kettejük találkozásáról szóló történetet választottam ki, hogy megismertessem a magyar olvasóközönséggel. A fordításon túl az előszóban a történet egy feltételezett másodlagos olvasatát is ismertetem, amely szerint a mítosz értelmezhető a Saivák és Vaisnavák közti rivalizálás példázataként is.
- by Péter Száler
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The Anthem World Epic and Romance series publishes rigorous, innovative scholarly studies dealing with epics and chivalric romances from across the globe, both written and oral, in poetry and prose, as well as adaptations in theater... more
The Anthem World Epic and Romance series publishes rigorous, innovative scholarly studies dealing with epics and chivalric romances from across the globe, both written and oral, in poetry and prose, as well as adaptations in theater and cinema. The series seeks to foster new comparative and cultural understandings of heroic narratives, focusing on literary and geopolitical context, ranging from antiquity through the medieval and early modern period to contemporary society. PROPOSALS We welcome submissions of proposals for challenging and original works from emerging and established scholars that meet the criteria of our series. We make prompt editorial decisions. Our titles are published in print and e-book editions and are subject to peer review by recognized authorities in the field. Should you wish to send in a proposal for a monograph (mid-length and full-length), edited collection, handbook or companion, reference or course book, please contact us at: [email protected] .
- by Jo Ann Cavallo
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The ancient Indian epics carry a kind of authority different from their Western equivalents. The Indian audience has been ready to stay invested in the story for longer, unto the present times. The story of Rama is performed every year in... more
The ancient Indian epics carry a kind of authority different from their Western equivalents. The Indian audience has been ready to stay invested in the story for longer, unto the present times. The story of Rama is performed every year in India before the Hindu festivals of Dussehra and Diwali celebrated to mark, respectively, Rama’s victory over Ravana, and his return to Ayodhya.
- by Soni Wadhwa
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CATATAN INDIA DARI ABAD PERTAMA: RUMAH SANG GARUDA DI TANAH NUSANTARA (Tulisan kedua dari Tiga Tulisan)
oleh Dr. Bambang Noorsena
Tulisan dalam rangka menyambut HUT RI ke-73, 17 aug 2018
oleh Dr. Bambang Noorsena
Tulisan dalam rangka menyambut HUT RI ke-73, 17 aug 2018
- by Victor Christianto
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- by Raj Balkaran
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- 2
JAGAD RAYA MEMUJA (DI AMBANG SEJARAH NUSANTARA) - Dr. Bambang Noorsena
- by Victor Christianto
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An abridged version of this interview was published in the Hindu Sunday Magazine
- by Vikram Zutshi
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- by Pooja Prakash
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- Ramayana
From the beginning, the Ramayana resisted singularity. Valmiki's Sanskrit Ramayana is the earliest extant version of Rama's story, written 2,000 years ago, give or take a few centuries. Thousands of handwritten manuscripts of Valmiki's... more
From the beginning, the Ramayana resisted singularity. Valmiki's Sanskrit Ramayana is the earliest extant version of Rama's story, written 2,000 years ago, give or take a few centuries. Thousands of handwritten manuscripts of Valmiki's text survive today, and no two are identical. Like the Mahabharata, its sister epic, Valmiki's Ramayana was an ' open ' text, subject to alterations and additions with every new handwritten copy in premodernity.
- by Audrey Truschke
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- by Gregory Clines
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- 6
Several days ago, I pointed out on Twitter that Valmiki’s Ramayana contains episodes where Sita criticises Rama, whereas representing Sita as chiding Rama today – as did a recent cartoon – often leads to extreme controversy. I soon found... more
Several days ago, I pointed out on Twitter that Valmiki’s Ramayana contains episodes where Sita criticises Rama, whereas representing Sita as chiding Rama today – as did a recent cartoon – often leads to extreme controversy. I soon found out that many now find intolerable even criticisms preserved within Valmiki’s text, especially when rendered into idiomatic English...
- by Audrey Truschke
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Michael Madhusudan Datta había sido estudiante del Hindu College y había sido educado bajo estos supuestos. Como varios de sus coterráneos, cuestionaba las costumbres y tradiciones indias, consideradas atrasadas y estancadas, a la luz... more
Michael Madhusudan Datta había sido estudiante del Hindu College y había sido educado bajo estos supuestos. Como varios de sus coterráneos, cuestionaba las costumbres y tradiciones indias, consideradas atrasadas y estancadas, a la luz de las nuevas ideas traídas por los colonizadores británicos, entre ellas las ciencias modernas, el cristianismo, la filosofía occidental y las tendencias estéticas de las literaturas europeas decimonónicas.
Datta, siguiendo esta misma línea de pensamiento, escribirá en un ensayo de 1854 que el cristianismo, los británicos y el idioma inglés eran todos ellos tres fuerzas civilizadoras que debían implantarse en India para que ésta renaciera del estancamiento. Es interesante, además, que en este
ensayo Datta se sirve de Virgilio para expresar, metafóricamente, la relación entre India y los colonizadores británicos: para él, India es la cartaginesa Dido, y Gran Bretaña, la eterna Roma a la que habría de arribar la humanidad, encarnada en Eneas, para cumplir su destino de gloria. Asimismo, en el mismo ensayo se expresa, sobre la lengua inglesa, del siguiente modo: “Reconozco ante ti, y no me avergüenza decirlo, que amo la lengua de los anglosajones. Sí, amo la lengua, el glorioso lenguaje de los anglosajones. Las visiones de mi imaginación colocan frente a mí el idioma anglosajón en toda su radiante belleza. Y me siento enmudecido y confundido”...
Datta, siguiendo esta misma línea de pensamiento, escribirá en un ensayo de 1854 que el cristianismo, los británicos y el idioma inglés eran todos ellos tres fuerzas civilizadoras que debían implantarse en India para que ésta renaciera del estancamiento. Es interesante, además, que en este
ensayo Datta se sirve de Virgilio para expresar, metafóricamente, la relación entre India y los colonizadores británicos: para él, India es la cartaginesa Dido, y Gran Bretaña, la eterna Roma a la que habría de arribar la humanidad, encarnada en Eneas, para cumplir su destino de gloria. Asimismo, en el mismo ensayo se expresa, sobre la lengua inglesa, del siguiente modo: “Reconozco ante ti, y no me avergüenza decirlo, que amo la lengua de los anglosajones. Sí, amo la lengua, el glorioso lenguaje de los anglosajones. Las visiones de mi imaginación colocan frente a mí el idioma anglosajón en toda su radiante belleza. Y me siento enmudecido y confundido”...
- by Edgar René Pacheco Martínez
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A review of the coffee table book: The Rama Epic. Hero, Heroine, Ally, Foe. By Forrest McGill, ed. et al. Arts Asiatiques Tome 72, 178-179. (www.persee.fr/doc/arasi_0004-3958_2017_num_72_1_1987_t21_0176_0000_2)
- by Suganya Anandakichenin
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- by Imre Bangha
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- 10
Vishnudas was the first vernacular poet in Gwalior to compose powerful narratives that had the strength to survive in subsequent transmission. But while in his Rāmāyan he invoked Valmiki’s Sanskrit Rāmāyaṇa as a model and at points... more
Vishnudas was the first vernacular poet in Gwalior to compose powerful narratives that had the strength to survive in subsequent transmission. But while in his Rāmāyan he invoked Valmiki’s Sanskrit Rāmāyaṇa as a model and at points followed his version closely, in terms of actual literary form and diction Vishnudas’s Rāmāyan was also part of the word of vernacular kathās circulating orally and in manuscript form. His epic also reproduces techniques of condensation and omission that are typical of oral performance and composition. The paper also examines Vishnudas's position within the emerging Hindi literary tradition and argues that his works were poetically and linguistically linked to earlier works in Madhyadesha.
Descargar El Libro Ramayana Pdf
- by Imre Bangha
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XVIIIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, University of Toronto, Canada, August 20-25, 2017 Abstract On the Gandhāran reliefs some scenes of the competitions organized for the svayaṁvara of Yaśodharā are... more
XVIIIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies,
University of Toronto, Canada, August 20-25, 2017
Abstract
On the Gandhāran reliefs some scenes of the competitions organized for the svayaṁvara of Yaśodharā are represented. This particular kind of svayaṁvara characterized by public competitions to obtain the hand of the princess, where the warriors prove their skill and capability in the art of war, was confined mostly to the royal families, and it is well known from the Buddhist texts, from the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata. In the Buddha’s legend the archery competition is, among the trials, the crucial test to marry the girl. The supremacy during this contest, possibly more than in other cases, refers to the royal and warlike values of the winner. It is in his capacity as a kṣatriya that the Bodhisattva can perform his feats of archery.
In this paper we will deal with the representations of this event of Buddha’s life in Gandhāran art. Special attention will be given to the comparison between the textual and the figurative traditions to consider if and how they are interrelated, or if, at least in some cases, we should hypothesize the influence of an oral tradition that reveals connections with the story narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa.
University of Toronto, Canada, August 20-25, 2017
Abstract
On the Gandhāran reliefs some scenes of the competitions organized for the svayaṁvara of Yaśodharā are represented. This particular kind of svayaṁvara characterized by public competitions to obtain the hand of the princess, where the warriors prove their skill and capability in the art of war, was confined mostly to the royal families, and it is well known from the Buddhist texts, from the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata. In the Buddha’s legend the archery competition is, among the trials, the crucial test to marry the girl. The supremacy during this contest, possibly more than in other cases, refers to the royal and warlike values of the winner. It is in his capacity as a kṣatriya that the Bodhisattva can perform his feats of archery.
In this paper we will deal with the representations of this event of Buddha’s life in Gandhāran art. Special attention will be given to the comparison between the textual and the figurative traditions to consider if and how they are interrelated, or if, at least in some cases, we should hypothesize the influence of an oral tradition that reveals connections with the story narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa.
- by Laura Giuliano
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- 11
Amrita Darshanam, International Centre for Spiritual Studies, Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham, in association with Indic Book Club, Coimbatore, is organizing a one-day symposium on “Rama, Ramayana and Ayodhya: Insights from History” on 17th... more
Amrita Darshanam, International Centre for Spiritual Studies, Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham, in association with Indic Book Club, Coimbatore, is organizing a one-day symposium on “Rama, Ramayana and Ayodhya: Insights from History” on 17th March 2018 in Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham, Coimbatore.
Register here: http://goo.gl/ivt3v1
Register here: http://goo.gl/ivt3v1
- by PRAMOD KUMAR
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- by Vikram Zutshi
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Raja Rao (1908-2006) is one of the best Indian novelists writing in English. He occupies a central position in any discussion of Indian English literature. He is the foremost of those writers whose work has placed Indo-English literature... more
Raja Rao (1908-2006) is one of the best Indian novelists writing in English. He occupies a central position in any discussion of Indian English literature. He is the foremost of those writers whose work has placed Indo-English literature on the map of world literatures. His first and best-known novel, Kanthapura (1938) earned him an international acclaim and acceptance as one of the major novelists in Indian English literature. Kanthapura is a novel dealing with the impact of the Gandhian freedom struggle on a remote South Indian village of that name. In this novel Raja Rao uses myths and legends to enrich the texture of the novel and impart to it a rare expansiveness, elevation and dignity. The paper attempts to show parallelism between Ramayana and Kanthapura by examining Raja Rao's artistic use of myth in the novel. Ishfaq Hussain Bhat'Use of Myth in Kanthapura: Parallelism Between Ramayana and Kanthapura' Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-2 | Issue-1 , December 2017, URL: http://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd5940.pdf
- by International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development - IJTSRD
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Gold carving depiction of the legendary Ayodhya at the Ajmer Jain temple
Ayodhya is a legendary city mentioned in the ancient Sanskrit-language texts, including the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. These texts describe it as the capital of the Ikshvaku kings, including Rama.
The historicity of this legendary city is of concern to the Ayodhya dispute. According to one theory, it is same as the present-day Ayodhya city. According to another theory, it is a fictional city, and the present-day Ayodhya (originally called Saketa) was renamed after it around the 4th or 5th century, during the Gupta period.
- 2Historicity
- 2.2Identification as a fictional city
- 3References
Legendary depictions[edit]
According to the Ramayana, Ayodhya was founded by Manu, the progenitor of mankind, and measured 12x3 yojanas in area.[1] Both Ramayana and Mahabharata describe Ayodhya as the capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty of Kosala, including Rama and Dasharatha. The Purana-pancha-lakshana also describes the city as the capital of Ikshvaku kings, including Harishchandra.[2]
The Ramayana states that the city was ruled by king Dasaratha, who a descendant of king Ikshvaku. His son Rama was exiled to forest, and returned to the city after several travails, establishing an ideal rule in the kingdom. According to Uttara Kanda, a later addition to the Ramayana, Rama divided the kingdom into North and South Kosala at the end of his reign, with respective capitals at Shravasti and Kusavati, and installed his two sons (Lava and Kusa) to rule them.[3] Rama himself entered the waters of the Sarayu river, along with all the inhabitants of the city, and ascended to heaven. The location of this mass suicide was the Gopratara Tirtha, according to the Mahabharata.[4] Ayodhya was subsequently repopulated by king Rishabha.[2]
Several other literary works based on the story of Rama also mention Ayodhya. These include the Abhisheka and Pratimanataka by the poet Bhāsa (dated 2nd century CE or earlier), and the Raghuvamsha of Kalidasa (c. 5th century CE).[5]
According to the Jain tradition, five tirthankaras were born at Ayodhya, including Rishabhanatha, Ajitanatha, Abhinandananatha, Sumatinatha, and Anantanatha.[6]
Historicity[edit]
Identification with present-day Ayodhya[edit]
Many modern scholars, including B. B. Lal and H. D. Sankalia, have identified the legendary Ayodhya with the present-day Ayodhya town, but this is theory is not universally accepted.[7]
Arguments cited in favour of this identification include:
- Several ancient texts, including the Ramayana, Bhagavat Purana, and Padma Purana, mention that the legendary Ayodhya was located on the banks of the Sarayu river, just like the modern Ayodhya.[8]
- The Gupta-era texts, such as Kalidasa's Raghuvamsha and the Brahmanda Purana use 'Ayodhya' as another name for Saketa, which was the ancient name of present-day Ayodhya. This identification also occurs in the later Sanskrit texts, including Hemachandra's Abhidhana-Chintamani and Yashodhara's commentary on Kamasutra.[2]
- Several ancient texts, including the Vishnu Smriti and the Matsya Purana mention Ayodhya as a place of pilgrimage (tirtha). The 1092 CE Chandrawati inscription of the Gahadavala king Chandradeva mentions that he took bath on the Svarga-dvara tirtha situated on the confluence of the Sarayau and the Ghaghra rivers at Ayodhya.[9]
- The epics describe the legendary Ayodhya as the capital of Kosala. A 1st century BCE inscription issued by Dhanadeva, who describes himself as the lord of Kosala, has been found at present-day Ayodhya.[10] Several later inscriptions also mention the city of Ayodhya.[9]
Identification as a fictional city[edit]
A section of scholars have argued that the legendary Ayodhya of Ramayana is a purely mythical city, and is not same as the present-day Ayodhya.[11] These scholars include M. C. Joshi, Hans T. Bakker,[12] and a group of 25 historians from the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), among others.[11] According to these scholars, the process of identifying the legendary Ayodhya with Saketa (an ancient name of present-day Ayodhya) began in the early centuries CE, and was completed during the Gupta period.[13]
The various arguments made in favour of identifying the legendary Ayodhya as a fictional city include the following:
Lack of archaeological evidence[edit]
The JNU historians argue that according to the archaeological evidence, the earliest possible settlements at Ayodhya can be dated to c. 8th century BCE, while the Ramayana is set much earlier. The Ramayana depicts Ayodhya as an urban centre with palaces and buildings, while the excavations at present-day Ayodhya indicate a primitive life.[14]
Hans T. Bakker notes that no place called Ayodhya is attested by any epigraphic or other archaeological evidence before the 2nd century CE.[15] The earliest extant inscriptions mentioning a place called Ayodhya are from the Gupta period. For example, a 436 CE inscription describes a donation to Brahmins hailing from Ayodhya. A 533-534 CE inscription mentions a nobleman from Ayodhya. The Gaya inscription, said to be issued by Samudragupta (4th century CE), but possibly an 8th century fabrication according to modern historians, describes Ayodhya as a garrison town.[16]
Lack of ancient literary evidence[edit]
Early Buddhist and Jain texts mention Shravasti and Saketa, not Ayodhya, as the major cities of the Kosala region. The later texts such as the Puranas, which mention Ayodhya as the capital of Kosala, simply follow the legendary Ramayana.[14]
According to Hans T. Bakker's analysis, the Sanskrit sources that mention Ayodhya but not Saketa are predominantly fictional in nature: these texts include Mahabharata, Ramayana, and Purana-pancha-lakshana. On the other hand, the Sanskrit sources that mention Saketa but not Ayodhya are of 'semi-scientific or factual nature'.[17] The Buddhist Pali-language texts name a city called Ayojjha or Ayujjha (Pali for Ayodhya), but suggest that it was located on the banks of the Ganges river (see below).[18] In the early Jain canonical literature, 'Aujjha' (a Prakrit form of 'Ayodhya') is mentioned only once: the Thana Sutta describes it as the capital of Gandhilavati, a district of the 'largely mythological' Mahavideha country.[19] This indicates that the Ayodhya of Sanskrit epic literature is a fictional city.[17]
Among the Sanskrit sources, the identification of Ayodhya with Saketa first appears in texts from the Gupta period, including the Brahmanda Purana and Kalidasa's Raghuvamsha.[16] The Jain text Paumachariya (dated before 4th century CE) first incorporates the Rama legend into Jain mythology. During this period, the Jains linked the mythology of the Ikshvaku dynasty with their tirthankaras and chakravartins. For example, the first tirthankara Rishabha is said to have been born in Ikkhagabhumi (according to Kalpasutra) or Viniya (according to Jambu-dvipa-prajnapati), which are identified as Ayodhya (Aojhha) or Saketa.[20] In the 19th century, Alexander Cunningham of Archaeological Survey of India believed that Ramayana also identifies Ayodhya with a Saketa, based on a verse that supposedly describes Dasharatha as the king of 'Saketa-nagara'. However, this verse was fabricated by a Brahmin of Lucknow: it is not found in the original Ramayana text.[21]
Local Vikramaditya legend[edit]
A local oral tradition of Ayodhya, first recorded in writing by Robert Montgomery Martin in 1838,[22] mentions that the city was deserted after the death of Rama's descendant Brihadbala. It remain deserted for several centuries until King Vikrama (or Vikramaditya) of Ujjain came searching for it.[22] On the advice of a sage, Vikrama determined that the site of ancient Ayodhya as the place where the milk would flow from the udder of a calf.[14] He cut down the forests that had covered the ancient ruins, established a new city, erected the Ramgar fort, and built 360 temples.[22]
According to the JNU historians, this myth of 're-discovery' seems to recognize that modern Ayodhya is not same as the ancient Ayodhya, and appears to be an attempt to impart the modern town a religious sanctity that it originally lacked.[14] These historians theorize that the 5th century emperor Skandagupta (who adopted the title Vikramditya) moved his residence to Saketa, and renamed it to Ayodhya, probably to associate himself with the legendary solar dynasty.[14] According to Bakker, the Guptas moved their capital to Saketa either during the reign of Kumaragupta I or Skandagupta, and this event is possibly alluded to in the Raghuvamsha.[16]
Kishore Kunal argues that there is no historical evidence to support the theory that Saketa was renamed as 'Ayodhya' by Skandagupta. He notes that the Kalidasa's Raghuvamsha clearly refers to the same city by the names 'Saketa' and 'Ayodhya', while narrating the legend of Rama.[23] Historian Gyanendra Pandey argues that Kalidasa's mention of 'Saketa' and 'Ayodhya' do not prove any connection between the legendary Ayodhya and the present-day Ayodhya, as he lived in the Gupta period (c. 5th century CE), presumably after the Guptas had changed the name of Saketa to 'Ayodhya'.[24]
Relatively recent association with Rama[edit]
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The rise of the modern Ayodhya town as a centre of Rama worship is relatively recent, dating back to the 13th century, when the Ramanandi sect started gaining prominence. Several inscriptions dated between 5th and 8th centuries mention the town, but do not mention its association with Rama. The writings of Xuanzang (c. 602–664 CE) associate the town with Buddhism. It has also been an important Jain pilgrimage centre, and an ancient Jain figure (dated 4th-3rd century BCE) has been found here. The 11th century texts refer to Gopataru tirtha in Ayodhya, but do not refer to the birthplace of Rama.[14]
Bakker notes that the legend of Rama was not always connected with Ayodhya: for example, the Buddhist Dasaratha-jataka mentions Varanasi, not Ayodhya, as the capital of Dasharatha and Rama. Thus, the association of Rama with Ayodhya may be a result the claim that he was a member of the Ikshvaku family, and this family's association with Ayodhya.[17]
Analysis of Ramayana[edit]
According to M. C. Joshi, 'a critical examination of the geographical data available in Valmiki's narratives does not justify the commonly accepted identification of the ancient city with the modern one'. For example, in the Ayodhya Kanda of the Ramayana, Bharata takes a geographically 'non-sensical' route while traveling to Ayodhya from the kingdom of his uncle Kekeya (located in the extreme west of the Indian subcontinent). During this journey, he passes through places located in present-day Odisha and Assam.[12]
Location on the banks of the Ganges[edit]
According to Hans T. Bakker, the older parts of Mahabharata and Purana-pancha-lakshana mention Ayodhya as the capital of the Ikshvaku kings, but do not state that it was situated on the banks of the Sarayu river. The older parts of Ramayana only suggest that it was located in the vicinity of the Sarayu river. For example, Ramayana 2.70.19 states that the funeral processions of Dasharatha traveled from the city to Sarayu using palanquins and chariots, which according to Bakker, suggests that Sarayu was located at some distance from the city.[17] According to Bakker, only the newer (5th century and later) parts of Ramayana explicitly describe Ayodhya as located on the banks of the Sarayu river.[25]
The JNU historians agree that an ancient historical city called 'Ayodhya' (Pali: Ayojjha or Ayujjha[18]) existed, but argue that it was not same as the modern Ayodhya, or the legendary city described in the Ramayana. This theory is based on the fact that according to the ancient Buddhist texts, the ancient Ayodhya town was located on the banks of the river Ganga (Ganges), not Sarayu. For example, the Samyutta Nikaya states 'Once Lord Buddha was walking in Ayodhya on the bank of the Ganga river'.[26]Buddhaghosha's commentary on the Samyutta Nikaya mentions that the citizens of Ayodhya (Ayujjha-pura) built a vihara for the Buddha 'in a curve of the river Ganga'.[18]
Kishore Kunal argues that the word 'Ganga' is also used as common noun for a holy river in Sanskrit.[26] In his support, he presents another verse from Samyutta Nikaya (4.35.241.205), which states 'Once Lord Buddha was walking in Kaushambi on the bank of the Ganga river'. The ancient city of Kaushambi was actually located on the banks of the river Yamuna, not Ganga.[27] S. N. Arya similarly points out that the 7th century Chinese Buddhist traveler Xuanzang states that he reached Ayodhya ('A-yu-te') after crossing the Ganga river, while traveling southwards (Ayodhya is actually located to the north of the Ganges river). Xuanzang seems to have used the term Ganga to describe 'a long affluent of the great river'.[28]
Taittiriya Aranyaka and Atharvaveda description[edit]
M. C. Joshi asserted that Ayodhya is mentioned in a Taittiriya Aranyaka verse, which is also found with some variations in the Atharvaveda:[29]
aṣṭācakrā navadvārā devānāṃ pūrayodhyā tasyāṃ hiraṇyayaḥkośaḥ svargo loko jyotiṣāvṛtaḥ yo vai tāṃ brahmaṇo vedāmṛtenāvṛtāṃ puram tasmai brahma ca brāhmā ca āyuḥ kirtim prajāṃ daduḥ vibhrājamānām hariṇīṃ yaśasā saṃparīvṛtām puraṃ hiraṇyayīṃ brahmā viveśāparājitām | Ayodhya (impregnable), the city of the gods, consists of eight circles (also cycles) and nine entrances; within it there is the golden treasure-dome, the celestial world, ever-illuminated with light (north pole). Whoever knows it as the Creator's city ever surrounded with nectar will have long life, fame, and offspring bestowed on him, by Brahma (the sun), and Brahma (the moon). Into this city ever shining, moving, and pervaded with Yasas (fame and lustre), the Creator has entered. |
--Taittiriya Aranyaka 1.27 | —Translation by M. C. Joshi[30] |
Joshi argues that the Ayodhya city, as described in the Taittiriya Aranyaka (and Atharvaveda), is obviously a mythical city, because it is said to be surrounded by a pool of nectar, and is described as the location of 'the golden treasure-dome of the celestial world'. According to Joshi, this Ayodhya is similar to the mythical places such as Samavasarana and Nandishvaradvipa, which appear in the Jain mythology.[30]
According to other scholars, such as B. B. Lal, the word ayodhya in this context is not a proper noun (the name of a city), but an adjective, meaning 'impregnable'.[31] The verse describes the human body (pur) as having eight chakras and nine orifices:[32]
aṣṭācakrā navadvārā devānāṃ pūrayodhyā tasyāṃ hiraṇyayaḥkośaḥ svargo jyotiṣāvṛtaḥ | Eight-wheeled, nine-doored, is the impregnable stronghold of the gods; in that is a golden vessel, heaven-going (swarga), covered with light |
--Atharvaveda 10.2.31 | —Translation by William Dwight Whitney[31] |
Lal points out that two cognate forms ayodhyena and ayodhyaḥ appear in Atharvaveda 19.13.3 and 19.13.7 respectively, in similar sense of 'invincible'. The 14th century commentator Sayana also confirms this meaning of the word.[33] the later text Bhagavad Gita also describes the human body as a city with nine doors, in which the soul resides. This confirms that the Atharvaveda uses 'ayodhya' as an adjective, not as the name of a city.[9]
References[edit]
- ^K. D. Bajpai 1967, p. 42.
- ^ abcHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 7.
- ^Meenakshi Jain 2013, p. 91.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1982, p. 103–104.
- ^Kishore Kunal 2016, pp. 8-9.
- ^Paras Kumar Choudhary 2004.
- ^Herman Paul 2015, pp. 113-114.
- ^S. N. Arya 1990, p. 44.
- ^ abcS. N. Arya 1990, p. 46.
- ^S. N. Arya 1990, p. 45.
- ^ abSarvepalli Gopal et al. 1995, p. 76.
- ^ abHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 10.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1984, pp. 11-12.
- ^ abcdefSarvepalli Gopal et al. 1995, pp. 76-81.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1984, p. 9, 11.
- ^ abcHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 12.
- ^ abcdHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 9.
- ^ abcHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 5.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1984, p. 3.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1984, p. 11.
- ^Kishore Kunal 2016, pp. 9-10.
- ^ abcHans T. Bakker 1984, p. 30.
- ^Kishore Kunal 2016, p. 9.
- ^Gyanendra Pandey 2006, p. 97.
- ^Hans T. Bakker 1984, p. 7, 10.
- ^ abKishore Kunal 2016, p. 6.
- ^Kishore Kunal 2016, pp. 5-6.
- ^S. N. Arya 1990, pp. 44-45.
- ^B. B. Lal 1979, pp. 46-47.
- ^ abB. B. Lal 1979, p. 46.
- ^ abB. B. Lal 1979, p. 47.
- ^B. B. Lal 1979, pp. 47-48.
- ^B. B. Lal 1979, p. 48.
Bibliography[edit]
- B. B. Lal (1978–79). K. N. Dikshit (ed.). 'Was Ayodhyā a mythical city?'. Puratattva. Indian Archaeological Society (10).CS1 maint: date format (link)
- Sarvepalli Gopal et al. (1990). 'The Political Abuse of History: Babri Masjid-Rama Janmabhumi Dispute'. Social Scientist. 18 (1/2): 76–81. doi:10.2307/3517330. JSTOR3517330.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- Hans T. Bakker (1984). Ayodhya. Institute of Indian Studies, University of Groningen. OCLC769116023.
- Hans T. Bakker (1982). 'The rise of Ayodhya as a place of pilgrimage'. Indo-Iranian Journal. 24 (2): 103–126. doi:10.1163/000000082790081267.
- K. D. Bajpai (1967). The Geographical Encyclopaedia of Ancient and Medieval India: Based on Vedic, Puranic, Tantric, Jain, Buddhistic Literature and Historical Records. Indic Academy.
- Kishore Kunal (2016). Ayodhya Revisited. Ocean Books. ISBN978-81-8430-357-5.
- Meenakshi Jain (2013). Rama and Ayodhya. New Delhi: Aryan Books. ISBN8173054517.
- Paras Kumar Choudhary (2004). Sociology of Pilgrims. Kalpaz Publications. ISBN978-81-7835-243-5.
- S. N. Arya (1990). 'Historicity of Ayodhya'. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. ndian History Congress. 51: 44–48. JSTOR44148186.
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